Wednesday, November 9, 2011

Isreali Army Radio - Jewish Terrorism Greatest Threat To Zionist Vision

Isreali Army Radio (Full Transcript Below English proceeded by actual Hebrew Text )

Editors Note: Intense political debate and heavily rivaled opposition is characteristic of Isreali's socialist leaning Parliamentary Democracy. While conflict ensues with displaced Palestinians an interest debate occurs in the Knesset. It is the threat of those who want to fullfill end-time Messianic prophesy with aggressive acts that Speaker Reuven Rivlin identifies as the biggest threat to Isreal's exixtence.
Former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was murdered by Isreali citizen and law student Yigal Amir,

Rivlin: "price tag - a threat to Israel's existence"

Tamar Levy
Last Updated: 17:41, 11.09.2011

Special meeting of the Knesset to mark Remembrance Day late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Knesset Speaker Rivlin described in his speech the price tag acts as the greatest threat to the Zionist vision. "Jewish terrorism will bring ruin to the State of Israel", he warned; earlier condemned the President's Award These actions and asked: "Have we done enough to prevent the assassination of Prime Minister again?"

Sitting - the Knesset, Reuven Rivlin, said this evening (Wednesday) that the price tag actions are "the biggest threat to the Zionist vision." "All those who are trying to speed up the prophecy of the messiah and think that by these acts Masada shall not fall again - burn it himself," Rivlin warned, "this terror will lead to the destruction of us all."

In his speech at a special session of the Knesset to mark Remembrance Day for the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Rivlin added: "We must show zero tolerance to political violence and otherwise, in the same breath, we should avoid demonizing of sectors and political camps."

Earlier also attacked Israeli President Shimon Peres, attacked the price tag operations. "Have we done enough to ensure he killed the prime minister will not happen again?" Peres said in his speech State Memorial Service in memory of late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem, "the number of protagonists with soldiers protecting us just grew up, and holy places desecrated. Must find the violence, isolate them and bring them to justice ".

Deputy Prime Minister, Minister Moshe Yaalon, also referred to actions at a price and said that Israel will act harshly against those who act contrary to law. "Who dares to make our own neighbors hostilities or acts of intimidation among those with different opinions of his own in the nation - will pay the price," Ya'alon explained, "The country has a law, army and police - he thought Rabin, and we should act".

Meanwhile, Dalia Rabin, daughter of the late Prime Minister, referring to her father's heritage. "On her last day of my mother in the hospital, she looked at me anxiously. Only after many days, I understood why - only she knew the weight of the journey she passes me."

The ceremony was also attended sitting - Speaker, sitting - Leader of the Opposition, Chief Justice and members of Knesset. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called Dalia Rabin and told her that he could not participate in ceremonies marking Memorial Day for Yitzhak Rabin, due to the death of Chamo, Shmuel Ben - Artzi.

תמר לוי
עדכון אחרון: 17:41 , 09/11/2011

בישיבה מיוחדת של מליאת הכנסת לציון יום הזיכרון לראש הממשלה המנוח יצחק רבין, הגדיר יו"ר הכנסת ריבלין בנאומו את פעולות תג המחיר כאיום הגדול ביותר על החזון הציוני. "הטרור היהודי יביא חורבן על מדינת ישראל", הזהיר; מוקדם יותר גינה הנשיא פרס את פעולות אלו ושאל: "האם עשינו די כדי למנוע רצח ראש ממשלה נוסף?"


יושב-ראש הכנסת, ראובן ריבלין, אמר הערב (ד') כי פעולות תג מחיר הן "האיום הגדול ביותר על החזון הציוני". "כל אלו שמנסים להאיץ את נבואת המשיח וחושבים שבאמצעות מעשים אלו שוב מצדה לא תיפול - שורף אותנו בעצמו", הזהיר ריבלין, "הטרור הזה יוביל לחורבן על כולנו".

בנאומו בישיבה מיוחדת של מליאת הכנסת לציון יום הזיכרון לראש הממשלה המנוח יצחק רבין, הוסיף ריבלין: "עלינו לגלות אפס סובלנות לאלימות פוליטית ואחרת, ובאותה נשימה, עלינו להימנע מדמוניזציה של מגזרים ומחנות פוליטיים".

מוקדם יותר תקף גם נשיא המדינה, שמעון פרס, תקף את פעולות תג המחיר. "האם עשינו די כדי להבטיח שרצח ראש ממשלה לא יקרה שוב?", אמר פרס בנאומו בטקס האזכרה הממלכתי לזכר ראש הממשלה המנוח יצחק רבין בהר הרצל שבירושלים, "מספרם של המתעמתים עם חיילי צה"ל המגנים עלינו רק גדל, ומחוללים מקומות קדושים. חובה לאתר את האלימים, לבודד אותם ולהביא אותם לדין".

המשנה לראש הממשלה, השר משה יעלון, התייחס גם הוא לפעולות תג מחיר ואמר כי ישראל תפעל בחומרה נגד אלו הפועלים בניגוד לחוק. "מי שיעז לבצע פעולות איבה בשכנינו או פעולות הפחדה בקרב בעלי דעות שונות משלו בתוך העם - ישלם את המחיר", הבהיר יעלון, "יש במדינה חוק, צבא ומשטרה - כך חשב רבין וכך עלינו לפעול".

בתוך כך, דליה רבין, ביתו של ראש הממשלה המנוח, התייחסה לשימור מורשת אביה. "ביומה האחרון של אמי בבית החולים, היא הביטה בי בדאגה. רק לאחר ימים רבים, הבנתי מדוע - רק היא ידעה את כובד המסע שהיא מעבירה אלי".

הטקס נערך גם במעמד יושב-ראש הכנסת, יושבת-ראש האופוזיציה, נשיאת בית המשפט העליון וחברי כנסת. ראש הממשלה בנימין נתניהו התקשר לדליה רבין ואמר לה כי לא יוכל להשתתף בטקסים לציון יום הזיכרון ליצחק רבין, עקב פטירת חמו, שמואל בן-ארצי.
 

Friday, October 21, 2011

Ron Paul on the Federal Reserve (Opt-Ed WSJ)


To know what is wrong with the Federal Reserve, one must first understand the nature of money. Money is like any other good in our economy that emerges from the market to satisfy the needs and wants of consumers. Its particular usefulness is that it helps facilitate indirect exchange, making it easier for us to buy and sell goods because there is a common way of measuring their value. Money is not a government phenomenon, and it need not and should not be managed by government. When central banks like the Fed manage money they are engaging in price fixing, which leads not to prosperity but to disaster.
The Federal Reserve has caused every single boom and bust that has occurred in this country since the bank's creation in 1913. It pumps new money into the financial system to lower interest rates and spur the economy. Adding new money increases the supply of money, making the price of money over time—the interest rate—lower than the market would make it. These lower interest rates affect the allocation of resources, causing capital to be malinvested throughout the economy. So certain projects and ventures that appear profitable when funded at artificially low interest rates are not in fact the best use of those resources.
Eventually, the economic boom created by the Fed's actions is found to be unsustainable, and the bust ensues as this malinvested capital manifests itself in a surplus of capital goods, inventory overhangs, etc. Until these misdirected resources are put to a more productive use—the uses the free market actually desires—the economy stagnates.
Bloomberg
Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke
The great contribution of the Austrian school of economics to economic theory was in its description of this business cycle: the process of booms and busts, and their origins in monetary intervention by the government in cooperation with the banking system. Yet policy makers at the Federal Reserve still fail to understand the causes of our most recent financial crisis. So they find themselves unable to come up with an adequate solution.
In many respects the governors of the Federal Reserve System and the members of the Federal Open Market Committee are like all other high-ranking powerful officials. Because they make decisions that profoundly affect the workings of the economy and because they have hundreds of bright economists working for them doing research and collecting data, they buy into the pretense of knowledge—the illusion that because they have all these resources at their fingertips they therefore have the ability to guide the economy as they see fit.
Nothing could be further from the truth. No attitude could be more destructive. What the Austrian economists Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek victoriously asserted in the socialist calculation debate of the 1920s and 1930s—the notion that the marketplace, where people freely decide what they need and want to pay for, is the only effective way to allocate resources—may be obvious to many ordinary Americans. But it has not influenced government leaders today, who do not seem to see the importance of prices to the functioning of a market economy.
The manner of thinking of the Federal Reserve now is no different than that of the former Soviet Union, which employed hundreds of thousands of people to perform research and provide calculations in an attempt to mimic the price system of the West's (relatively) free markets. Despite the obvious lesson to be drawn from the Soviet collapse, the U.S. still has not fully absorbed it.
The Fed fails to grasp that an interest rate is a price—the price of time—and that attempting to manipulate that price is as destructive as any other government price control. It fails to see that the price of housing was artificially inflated through the Fed's monetary pumping during the early 2000s, and that the only way to restore soundness to the housing sector is to allow prices to return to sustainable market levels. Instead, the Fed's actions have had one aim—to keep prices elevated at bubble levels—thus ensuring that bad debt remains on the books and failing firms remain in business, albatrosses around the market's neck.
The Fed's quantitative easing programs increased the national debt by trillions of dollars. The debt is now so large that if the central bank begins to move away from its zero interest-rate policy, the rise in interest rates will result in the U.S. government having to pay hundreds of billions of dollars in additional interest on the national debt each year. Thus there is significant political pressure being placed on the Fed to keep interest rates low. The Fed has painted itself so far into a corner now that even if it wanted to raise interest rates, as a practical matter it might not be able to do so. But it will do something, we know, because the pressure to "just do something" often outweighs all other considerations.
What exactly the Fed will do is anyone's guess, and it is no surprise that markets continue to founder as anticipation mounts. If the Fed would stop intervening and distorting the market, and would allow the functioning of a truly free market that deals with profit and loss, our economy could recover. The continued existence of an organization that can create trillions of dollars out of thin air to purchase financial assets and prop up a fundamentally insolvent banking system is a black mark on an economy that professes to be free.
Mr. Paul, a congressman from Texas, is seeking the Republican presidential nomination.

Monday, October 17, 2011

President Barack Obama at Martin Luther King Memorial Dedication


Remarks by the President at the Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial Dedication

The National Mall
Washington, D.C.
11:51 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Please be seated.
An earthquake and a hurricane may have delayed this day, but this is a day that would not be denied.
For this day, we celebrate Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s return to the National Mall.  In this place, he will stand for all time, among monuments to those who fathered this nation and those who defended it; a black preacher with no official rank or title who somehow gave voice to our deepest dreams and our most lasting ideals, a man who stirred our conscience and thereby helped make our union more perfect.
And Dr. King would be the first to remind us that this memorial is not for him alone.  The movement of which he was a part depended on an entire generation of leaders.  Many are here today, and for their service and their sacrifice, we owe them our everlasting gratitude.  This is a monument to your collective achievement.  (Applause.)
Some giants of the civil rights movement –- like Rosa Parks and Dorothy Height, Benjamin Hooks, Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth –- they’ve been taken from us these past few years.  This monument attests to their strength and their courage, and while we miss them dearly, we know they rest in a better place. 
And finally, there are the multitudes of men and women whose names never appear in the history books –- those who marched and those who sang, those who sat in and those who stood firm, those who organized and those who mobilized –- all those men and women who through countless acts of quiet heroism helped bring about changes few thought were even possible. “By the thousands,” said Dr. King, “faceless, anonymous, relentless young people, black and white…have taken our whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in the formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.”  To those men and women, to those foot soldiers for justice, know that this monument is yours, as well.
Nearly half a century has passed since that historic March on Washington, a day when thousands upon thousands gathered for jobs and for freedom.  That is what our schoolchildren remember best when they think of Dr. King -– his booming voice across this Mall, calling on America to make freedom a reality for all of God’s children, prophesizing of a day when the jangling discord of our nation would be transformed into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
It is right that we honor that march, that we lift up Dr. King’s “I Have a Dream” speech –- for without that shining moment, without Dr. King’s glorious words, we might not have had the courage to come as far as we have.  Because of that hopeful vision, because of Dr. King’s moral imagination, barricades began to fall and bigotry began to fade.  New doors of opportunity swung open for an entire generation.  Yes, laws changed, but hearts and minds changed, as well. 
Look at the faces here around you, and you see an America that is more fair and more free and more just than the one Dr. King addressed that day.  We are right to savor that slow but certain progress -– progress that’s expressed itself in a million ways, large and small, across this nation every single day, as people of all colors and creeds live together, and work together, and fight alongside one another, and learn together, and build together, and love one another.
So it is right for us to celebrate today Dr. King’s dream and his vision of unity.  And yet it is also important on this day to remind ourselves that such progress did not come easily; that Dr. King’s faith was hard-won; that it sprung out of a harsh reality and some bitter disappointments. 
It is right for us to celebrate Dr. King’s marvelous oratory, but it is worth remembering that progress did not come from words alone.  Progress was hard.  Progress was purchased through enduring the smack of billy clubs and the blast of fire hoses.  It was bought with days in jail cells and nights of bomb threats.  For every victory during the height of the civil rights movement, there were setbacks and there were defeats. 
We forget now, but during his life, Dr. King wasn’t always considered a unifying figure.  Even after rising to prominence, even after winning the Nobel Peace Prize, Dr. King was vilified by many, denounced as a rabble rouser and an agitator, a communist and a radical.  He was even attacked by his own people, by those who felt he was going too fast or those who felt he was going too slow; by those who felt he shouldn’t meddle in issues like the Vietnam War or the rights of union workers.  We know from his own testimony the doubts and the pain this caused him, and that the controversy that would swirl around his actions would last until the fateful day he died.
I raise all this because nearly 50 years after the March on Washington, our work, Dr. King’s work, is not yet complete.  We gather here at a moment of great challenge and great change.  In the first decade of this new century, we have been tested by war and by tragedy; by an economic crisis and its aftermath that has left millions out of work, and poverty on the rise, and millions more just struggling to get by.  Indeed, even before this crisis struck, we had endured a decade of rising inequality and stagnant wages.  In too many troubled neighborhoods across the country, the conditions of our poorest citizens appear little changed from what existed 50 years ago -– neighborhoods with underfunded schools and broken-down slums, inadequate health care, constant violence, neighborhoods in which too many young people grow up with little hope and few prospects for the future.
Our work is not done.  And so on this day, in which we celebrate a man and a movement that did so much for this country, let us draw strength from those earlier struggles.  First and foremost, let us remember that change has never been quick.  Change has never been simple, or without controversy.  Change depends on persistence.  Change requires determination.  It took a full decade before the moral guidance of Brown v. Board of Education was translated into the enforcement measures of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, but those 10 long years did not lead Dr. King to give up.  He kept on pushing, he kept on speaking, he kept on marching until change finally came.  (Applause.)
And then when, even after the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act passed, African Americans still found themselves trapped in pockets of poverty across the country, Dr. King didn’t say those laws were a failure; he didn’t say this is too hard; he didn’t say, let’s settle for what we got and go home.  Instead he said, let’s take those victories and broaden our mission to achieve not just civil and political equality but also economic justice; let’s fight for a living wage and better schools and jobs for all who are willing to work.  In other words, when met with hardship, when confronting disappointment, Dr. King refused to accept what he called the “isness” of today.  He kept pushing towards the “oughtness” of tomorrow.
And so, as we think about all the work that we must do –- rebuilding an economy that can compete on a global stage, and fixing our schools so that every child -- not just some, but every child -- gets a world-class education, and making sure that our health care system is affordable and accessible to all, and that our economic system is one in which everybody gets a fair shake and everybody does their fair share, let us not be trapped by what is.  (Applause.)  We can’t be discouraged by what is.  We’ve got to keep pushing for what ought to be, the America we ought to leave to our children, mindful that the hardships we face are nothing compared to those Dr. King and his fellow marchers faced 50 years ago, and that if we maintain our faith, in ourselves and in the possibilities of this nation, there is no challenge we cannot surmount.
And just as we draw strength from Dr. King’s struggles, so must we draw inspiration from his constant insistence on the oneness of man; the belief in his words that “we are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.”  It was that insistence, rooted in his Christian faith, that led him to tell a group of angry young protesters, “I love you as I love my own children,” even as one threw a rock that glanced off his neck. 
It was that insistence, that belief that God resides in each of us, from the high to the low, in the oppressor and the oppressed, that convinced him that people and systems could change.  It fortified his belief in non-violence.  It permitted him to place his faith in a government that had fallen short of its ideals.  It led him to see his charge not only as freeing black America from the shackles of discrimination, but also freeing many Americans from their own prejudices, and freeing Americans of every color from the depredations of poverty.
   
And so at this moment, when our politics appear so sharply polarized, and faith in our institutions so greatly diminished, we need more than ever to take heed of Dr. King’s teachings.  He calls on us to stand in the other person’s shoes; to see through their eyes; to understand their pain.  He tells us that we have a duty to fight against poverty, even if we are well off; to care about the child in the decrepit school even if our own children are doing fine; to show compassion toward the immigrant family, with the knowledge that most of us are only a few generations removed from similar hardships.  (Applause.)
To say that we are bound together as one people, and must constantly strive to see ourselves in one another, is not to argue for a false unity that papers over our differences and ratifies an unjust status quo.  As was true 50 years ago, as has been true throughout human history, those with power and privilege will often decry any call for change as “divisive.”  They’ll say any challenge to the existing arrangements are unwise and destabilizing.  Dr. King understood that peace without justice was no peace at all; that aligning our reality with our ideals often requires the speaking of uncomfortable truths and the creative tension of non-violent protest.
But he also understood that to bring about true and lasting change, there must be the possibility of reconciliation; that any social movement has to channel this tension through the spirit of love and mutuality. 
If he were alive today, I believe he would remind us that the unemployed worker can rightly challenge the excesses of Wall Street without demonizing all who work there; that the businessman can enter tough negotiations with his company’s union without vilifying the right to collectively bargain.  He would want us to know we can argue fiercely about the proper size and role of government without questioning each other’s love for this country -- (applause) -- with the knowledge that in this democracy, government is no distant object but is rather an expression of our common commitments to one another.  He would call on us to assume the best in each other rather than the worst, and challenge one another in ways that ultimately heal rather than wound.
In the end, that’s what I hope my daughters take away from this monument.  I want them to come away from here with a faith in what they can accomplish when they are determined and working for a righteous cause.  I want them to come away from here with a faith in other people and a faith in a benevolent God.  This sculpture, massive and iconic as it is, will remind them of Dr. King’s strength, but to see him only as larger than life would do a disservice to what he taught us about ourselves.  He would want them to know that he had setbacks, because they will have setbacks.  He would want them to know that he had doubts, because they will have doubts.  He would want them to know that he was flawed, because all of us have flaws.
It is precisely because Dr. King was a man of flesh and blood and not a figure of stone that he inspires us so.  His life, his story, tells us that change can come if you don’t give up.  He would not give up, no matter how long it took, because in the smallest hamlets and the darkest slums, he had witnessed the highest reaches of the human spirit; because in those moments when the struggle seemed most hopeless, he had seen men and women and children conquer their fear; because he had seen hills and mountains made low and rough places made plain, and the crooked places made straight and God make a way out of no way.
And that is why we honor this man –- because he had faith in us.  And that is why he belongs on this Mall -– because he saw what we might become.  That is why Dr. King was so quintessentially American -- because for all the hardships we’ve endured, for all our sometimes tragic history, ours is a story of optimism and achievement and constant striving that is unique upon this Earth.  And that is why the rest of the world still looks to us to lead.  This is a country where ordinary people find in their hearts the courage to do extraordinary things; the courage to stand up in the face of the fiercest resistance and despair and say this is wrong, and this is right; we will not settle for what the cynics tell us we have to accept and we will reach again and again, no matter the odds, for what we know is possible.
That is the conviction we must carry now in our hearts.  (Applause.)  As tough as times may be, I know we will overcome.  I know there are better days ahead.  I know this because of the man towering over us.  I know this because all he and his generation endured -- we are here today in a country that dedicated a monument to that legacy. 
And so with our eyes on the horizon and our faith squarely placed in one another, let us keep striving; let us keep struggling; let us keep climbing toward that promised land of a nation and a world that is more fair, and more just, and more equal for every single child of God.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.) 
END
12:12 P.M. EDT

Occupy Movement In-Depth Story

Sunday, October 2, 2011

Donald Rumsfeld Interview with Al-Jazeera by Sir Robert Frost (Video)

Former U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsefeld, formerly a vocal opponent of Al Jazeera, gives high marks on the Middle Eastern network in the interview posted above conducted by Sir Robert Frost..

In 2004 Rusmfield described Al Jazeera's Iraq war coverage "vicious, inaccurate and inexcusable." In 2003, a U.S. missile hit Al Jazeera's Baghdad offices, killing Al Jazeera correspondent Tariq Ayoub. (See Bombs and Threats to Bomb)

Both bombs and question of bomb moved to praise last week as Rumsfeld issued the following statement about the news organization:
"But now, as Al Jazeera has documented popular uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa, Rumsfeld says, "It's audience has grown and it can be an important means of communication in the world, and I am delighted you are doing what you are doing."